Profile

resqgeek: (Default)
ResQgeek

May 2024

S M T W T F S
   1234
567891011
1213141516 1718
19202122232425
262728293031 

Custom Text

Most Popular Tags

 (For a couple of years I participated in an experimental blogging site that attempted to pay bloggers for their posts based on reader interaction with the posts. That site is now defunct, but I have copies of many of the entries I posted there. I feel the need to share some of them, so I'm blowing the dust off the archive and copying them here.)

I believe in complexity.

So many people are out there trying to sell simple answers.  They offer quick fixes to life’s problems, shortcuts to happiness.  Even our leaders promise that they can fix the world with just a few simple policies.  Listening to all of these voices, you might think that the world is black-and-white, and that for every problem there is a single correct solution.

But life isn’t simple.  It isn’t black-and-white.  Life is shaded in a vast range of greys.  Life is complex, difficult, messy.  The world’s problems are joined together, connected in a vast tangled web, so that attempts to address one impact many others, often in negative ways.  Any solutions that have a hope of working need to address a range of issues all at the same time.  And these answers are almost certainly going to be found in the vast grey areas in between the easy, black-and-white answers.

I don’t trust people who promise easy fixes.  Either they are lying, or they aren’t thinking hard enough about the problems they are trying to solve.  I don’t believe they have the answers we need.  I trust those who take the time to listen to every side of a debate and try to understand the merits of every position.  They are the ones who are most likely to see the possibilities hidden in the grey.

But until we acknowledge the incredible complexity of life, we have little hope of making any lasting changes.

(This article is part of a series about the things that I believe, which I proposed here: resqgeek.dreamwidth.org/222496.html)
(For a couple of years I participated in an experimental blogging site that attempted to pay bloggers for their posts based on reader interaction with the posts. That site is now defunct, but I have copies of many of the entries I posted there. I feel the need to share some of them, so I'm blowing the dust off the archive and copying them here.)

For several years now, I have regularly listed to the “This I Believe” podcast, produced by This I Believe, Inc.  Each podcast is an essay that reflects a core belief of the author, and together, these essays provide an interesting look at the wide range of values and beliefs people hold to be important across our society.  This I believe, Inc. is based on the Edward R. Murrow radio show of the same name from the 1950s, with the goal of encouraging people to begin the difficult task of respecting other’s differing beliefs.


While Murrow’s radio show featured essays that were mostly by famous or significant public figures, the essays collected by the modern incarnation of this project are written by ordinary people from all walks of life, across the entire spectrum of our society.  Listening to them sheds light on people’s hopes and dreams, and shows us that no matter how we express them, our core beliefs are, for the most part, not really all that different.


I have been tempted, from time to time, to submit an essay to This I Believe, Inc.  Unfortunately, I have never been able to settle on a single core belief to write about.  Instead, I find myself wanting to write about several different beliefs.  So, instead of submitting an essay there, I think I just might write a series of articles here instead.


In the meantime, I put the question out there for everyone else: What do you believe?


Reference: This I Believe, Inc. http://www.thisibelieve.org

Perhaps it is a generational thing, but it feels like the newer employees at my office have a different understanding about what constitutes an acceptable level of effort in performing their duties than I do.  I come to this realization based on conversations I’ve had with some of these employees directly and based on general statements my supervisor has made.  For many of these newer employees, they are satisfied if they can satisfy the minimum level of acceptable performance (as defined in our Performance Appraisal Plan).  While the plan includes financial incentives (i.e., awards) for achieving defined levels of exceptional performance, these employees don’t seem to find these to be sufficient motivation to put forth the extra effort.  They argue that they can make more money by working overtime at the minimum acceptable performance level.


I simply cannot understand this mindset.  For me, achieving the higher performance levels is a matter of pride.  While it is nice to get a bonus in my paycheck at the end of the year, that really isn’t my primary motivation.  I believe in always giving my best effort, and I would feel like I was cheating if I gave anything less than that.  I suspect that this approach to the job is part of the reason my supervisors and colleagues seem to respect me so much.  This translates into a great working relationship with them, one that allows me a great deal of autonomy, which helps minimize the stress related to the job.


I have made efforts to explain to some of these newer employees how putting forth your best effort each and every day can help foster positive relationships with supervisors and colleagues, which in turn can smooth the path for a long and enjoyable career.  Some seem to get it, and make an effort to change, but there are others who just don’t seem to get it.  I wonder why.
As I pointed out in my previous posting, there seems to be a number of constitutional issues where it would appear that we have reached the point where consideration of amendments to the US Constitution ought to be considered.  But how can we actually accomplish this?  The current political climate suggests that a meaningful discussion of these issues, directed at establishing some consensus as to the nature of such amendments, is not likely. It is almost certain that the current Congress would be unable to garner the support of ⅔ of the members of both houses required before any such amendments can be submitted to the states for ratification.  Furthermore, a comprehensive revision of the Constitution by Congress would divert too much time and attention of our legislators from the significant other business that they should be attending to.

However, Article V of the Constitution provides another option.  A Constitutional Convention can be convened for the purposes of proposing amendments to the Constitution, if approved by ⅔ of the states.  The Constitution does not place any limitations on the number of such amendments such a convention could propose, and places very few restrictions on the types (namely, no state shall be deprived of equal representation in the Senate without its consent).  It also does not appear that the states that authorize such a convention necessarily have to agree as to the goals for such a convention, so long as they agree that it should happen.  Any amendments that arise from such a convention would then be submitted to the states for ratification (with ¾ of the states required), so that the Convention would cut Congress out of the process entirely.

While getting ⅔ of the states to agree to call such a convention might be difficult, it is not difficult to see that if you were looking for a comprehensive revision of the Constitution, the campaign for such a convention could focus on the issues important in different states/regions to build local support for the convention.  There is little likelihood that enough states would view the same issues as important enough to convene a Constitutional Convention, but if we tailor the arguments to the issues in each state, there just might be enough states that have some issue that they consider important enough, even if that issue varies from state to state.

Unlike Congress, the delegates to a Constitutional Convention are all, in effect, term limited.  There will be no second term and therefore no need to pander to any electorate.  While it seems obvious that special interest groups would certainly attempt to influence such a convention, creating a one-time assembly for the purposes of amending the constitution would seem to lessen the influence of such interests, since the delegates should not be focused on being re-elected.  With a little bit of luck, this would serve to temper the debate, allowing a more reasoned discussion and perhaps some meaningful consensus.  If the historical precedent of the original Constitutional Convention were followed, where the debates of the convention were conducted in secret, then the possibility for such consensus might be even more improved.

Will any of this happen?  Probably not.  But there are plenty of reasons why it might be a good idea to consider.
Okay, say we agree that the Constitution was never intended to be treated as some sort of sacred, infallible document, and that it should be amended to reflect the changing requirement of the country over time.  If that is the case, then what are the issues that need to be addressed in amending the Constitution?  What are the areas that are creating conflict or which fail to address the realities of the United States in the Twenty-first Century?  Are there any situations that simply aren’t contemplated by the Constitution, as it currently exists?

Probably, if you asked a hundred people to answer those questions, you would get a hundred uniquely different lists of issues to address.  Some of the ideas might inspire others, while some would appear trivial or ridiculous to others.  Wading into this swamp will probably get messy, but it seems clear that there are many issues that might be worthy of consideration.

One area that has been getting a LOT of media attention lately is gun ownership.  The Second Amendment was written at a time when the state of the art for firearms was a muzzle loading musket, and the nation faced imminent threats from global colonial powers and unfriendly native peoples.  Today, the technology of firearms has advanced to the point where an individual can easily carry more firepower than an entire colonial militia.  At the same time, the risks of foreign invasion or of armed insurrection have become vanishingly remote.  It seems obvious that the Second Amendment really could stand to be updated to reflect these changes.  Unfortunately, this is one of the areas in the Constitution where it might be the most difficult to find anything resembling a consensus, making the chances of an amendment here very remote indeed.

Another area that virtually begs for attention is the way our political campaigns operate.  The Constitution is silent on these issues, since the political parties and campaigns, as we know them, simply did not exist when the document was written.  It seems reasonable that we might at least consider limits on the amount of money that can be contributed to such campaigns.  Barring that, a stricter disclosure requirements would provide transparency, so the voters might have a chance to see who is really funding various campaigns.  We also should consider implementing a Constitutional definition of corporate personhood (as distinguished from individual personhood).  The idea of corporate personhood is important in civil and criminal law, as it allows us to hold corporations responsible for their actions.  However, in the wake of recent Supreme Court rulings, corporations now have equal footing with individuals in electoral politics.  Should corporations have this much influence in our elections?  This is an area that seems perfectly suited to clarification by constitutional amendment.  And while we are re-evaluating our electoral processes, we might also want to have a debate about the relative merits of the Electoral College (Does it still make sense?  What other models might work?) and term limits (Do incumbants have too great an advantage in our elections, and if so, are term limits, which are strongly anti-democratic in nature, the best answer?).

The Constitution is also disturbingly inadequate in addressing continuity of government during an emergency.  While there are provisions that allow for the rapid replacement of Senators, and we have a clearly defined chain of succession for the Presidency, the mechanism set forth in the Constitution for the replacement of members of the House of Representatives requires special elections, a mechanism that simply does not allow the House to be reconstituted in the aftermath of a devastating attack or disaster (think about what might have happened if the fourth plane had not crashed in PA on 11 Sept. 2001).  The loss of a majority of Representatives in such a crisis would handcuff the ability of the United States to respond, since any emergency appropriations for such a response are required to be initiated by the House, which would not be able to act until sufficient seats are refilled.  It seems clear that we should amend the Constitution to either provide for a mechanism for filling those seats in the event of a national emergency, or provide some other mechanism that authorize the Executive to respond to the emergency during the interim.

Additionally, a long overdue issue that we really need to take up is the issue of representation for the residents of the District of Columbia.  It is self-evidently unfair that the residents of DC must pay federal taxes, and that their local government is subject to Congressional oversight, but they lack any true representation in Congress.  Either we need to amend the Constitution to provide them with true representation, or we should exempt DC residents from federal taxes and give them a true self-rule for local government, without Congressional oversight.

Modern technology is raising a great number of issues regarding personal privacy.  While the Supreme Court has found a right to privacy to be inherent in the Constitution, it is perhaps time that the document be amended to both make this right explicit and also maybe define what the limits of this right might be.  Such an amendment would help us define boundaries in this area as we move forward with new technologies.

We could go on and on...what about a line-item veto?  The filibuster?  War powers?  Clearly, there are plenty of areas where we could amend the Constitution to clarify how it should apply or what our policy should be, or simply to address issues that simply were never contemplated when the document was written.

It has become fashionable in certain political circles to treat the U.S. Constitution as some type of sacred document, providing the final answer on all legal issues, infallible and unchanging. Proponents of this idea call this “strict constructionism”, where the meaning of the document can only be determined by looking to what the “framers” would have understood it to mean. This view forces us to consider legal problems raised by our modern world entirely within a framework that was built to address the issues of a world that has all but disappeared. The results are often far from satisfactory, with legal decisions that either defy common sense in our modern context, or else rely upon rationales that are more contorted than a Cirque du Soleil performer.


But this attitude towards the Constitution strikes me as problematic for any number of reasons. After all, if we look at the process that created the document, it seems highly unlikely that those that created it would have looked at it as being a perfect document. In fact, the opposite is pretty clearly true, as it was amended (i.e., changed) almost as soon as it was ratified. After all, the entire document was the product of a series of compromises, which naturally failed to be fully satisfactory to anyone, but which represented the best chance for consensus among those who were tasked with creating it. And since then, we have amended it twenty-seven times[1], which also clearly suggests that the original document was far from perfection.


Strict constructionists often invoke Thomas Jefferson as supporting their position. Jefferson was a believer in a limited Federal Government, and, in his view, any power or authority that wasn’t expressly given to the Federal Government belonged to the states or the people. It is this view that is rolled out to suggest that we shouldn’t re-interpret the Constitution to reflect our times. But Jefferson’s understanding of the limited application of the document did not reflect a view that the document would remain viable and applicable through time. If new powers were needed, Jefferson believed that the Constitution could and should be amended to expressly address the matter. He even went so far as to suggest that it would be best if the Constitution was thrown away entirely every generation and a new one written.


We now have a long history of reinterpreting the Constitution to address the changing ideals and circumstances of the nation. The problem is that some of these reinterpretations so stretch the original document or are based on such nebulous connections that the principles that rest upon them become subject to a great deal of disagreement.


But there is a solution, and it is sitting right before us in the plain language of the document and in the twenty-seven previous examples. We could resolve a number of troubling political and legal issues by amending the Constitution to address them. Certainly, this would be a difficult process, but it is one that would allow us to have a constructive debate about the ideals and values we want the Constitution to embody, especially as it relates to those issues, and in the end, any amendments that are actually enacted should reflect some general consensus, however limited


So then, what issues need to be addressed in such a process? And given the political stalemate that seems to have such a firm grip upon Congress these days, how on earth do we actually have the vigorous but productive debate that is necessary to build a general consensus on these issues? These are excellent questions to explore in later posts.




[1]This doesn’t count the unsuccessful amendment attempts, which include, among others, the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) which would have prohibited discrimination based on gender, the District of Columbia Voting Rights amendment which would have provided residents of DC with representation in Congress.

Most people in the US know that the official national motto is "In God We Trust". However, I suspect that many don't realize that this motto was only officially adopted with the enactment of legislation signed by President Eisenhower in 1956, only two years after the words "under God" were added to the Pledge of Allegiance. While the words "In God We Trust" did appear on US coins and currency intermitently prior to 1956, it was not an official motto.

Last week, a number of people posted warnings on Facebook not to accept certain $1 coins because they allegedly omit the national motto. As I pointed out in my response, this allegation is NOT true, as a quick search on Snope.com will show. However, both the allegation and my rebuttal fail to address a more central problem.

I know that some people will (strongly) disagree with me about this, but both the national motto and the inclusion of the words "under God" in the Pledge of Allegiance are clear and unambiguous violations of the First Amendment prohibition against establishment of religion. While neither of these invocations of "God" is sectarian (in that they broadly apply to many, perhaps most, religions), they nevertheless represent an establishment of religion because they necessarily presuppose the existence of some "God". The very notion of 'freedom of religion' requires that we also acknowledge that in some cases this is embodied as a 'freedom *from* religion'. Just as government cannot promote any specific form of religion over any other, the government likewise has no business addressing the very existence (or not) of any "God". Such matters are rightly the domain of religious institutions, and the government has no authority or right to intrude into this realm.

We have had a long history of denying the patriotism of groups of people because of their religious views (or lack thereof). For that matter, we often question the loyalty of those who hold differing political views. Perhaps we should (finally) acknowledge that while we might not share common beliefs (whether religious or political) and our ideas for what might be best for the country may be different, it does not mean that either side is any less loyal or patriotic. I have many friends who are atheists, and I have not found that their lack of faith to be any threat to my own beliefs. I will defend their right to *not* believe as a fundamental component of the principle of religious freedom.

Removing the phrase "In God We Trust" from our money and the words "under God" from the Pledge of Allegiance is NOT an attack on religion. Such changes in NO way impose any barriers to the free exercise of religion or harm religious institutions. Instead, it is an acknowledgement that not everyone believes in any god, and that they are perfectly free to so believe. So to everyone out there that has been fussing about the (non-existent) removal of "God" from our currency, please take a moment and honestly ask yourself how such a measure would really hurt you or your faith. As for me, my faith does not require confirmation by the government, and I find any efforts by the government to encroach into this domain to be much more of a threat, because it would endanger my freedom to choose what I believe.
Back at the beginning of May, I reflected upon the Travon Martin case, and the how actions can appear racist, even when they aren't necessarily intended to be such. About a week ago, a member of my wife's family shared an image on Facebook that has me thinking about this again. I wanted to comment on his post on Facebook, but decided that it wasn't worth creating a family feud.

image hidden because some may easily find it offensive )